When Britain or the United States are not in the immediate picture, the chances of consistent political news coverage in the Caribbean here plummet.
With a population of just over 104 000, it is rare for my mother’s home country – St Vincent and the Grenadines – to be at the heart of a major geopolitical issue. But, when I discovered that St Vincent and the Grenadines was in the centre of the ongoing Guyana-Venezuela conflict over the long-disputed Essequibo in December 2023, I was initially surprised and then concerned.
The oil-rich Essequibo Region is the centre of an ongoing territorial dispute between Guyana and Venezuela. St Vincent and the Grenadines has played an important role in talks between both nations, which have represented a distinct turning point in attempts to unify the political and economic interests of Caribbean leaders.
Experts have estimated more than 11 billion barrels of oil and natural gas could be within the disputed region.
‘We are working to make this hemisphere, this world, a better place for peace, security, prosperity, sustainable development for all and not just for a bunch of people in the rich countries … not just for a handful of people wedded to monopoly capitalism and imperialism, but for all people on earth,’ reaffirmed Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines yesterday (04/02), Ralph Gonsalves in a message sent to the Venezuelan people and Government to mark the 25th anniversary of the assumption of Commander Hugo Chávez. Gonsalves stated that “we salute the life and work of Hugo Chavez” and stated that the next meeting of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) would continue the work of “comrade” Fidel Castro.
The Essequibo dispute is today is not new. Recently, oil licenses were approved for the Essequibo in 2022 after the discovery of new reserves received immense interest from major corporations. Given that one of the key contributors to Venezuela’s ongoing socio-economic crisis was the drastic fall in oil production in 2015, attempting to claim Essequibo now is not only a legacy of former Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez’s tenure but suggests an act of desperation.
We can trace the origins of the dispute to the 19th century. In 1899, a ruling in Paris by international arbitrators established borders between Venezuela and Guyana (formerly British Guiana) which the International Court of Justice still recognises today. When Guyana achieved independence in 1966, Venezuela has since believed that this nullified the 1899 decision.
Across Latin America and the Caribbean, the determination to decrease reliance on US imports and diplomacy– which have created unsustainable costs with few benefits– has been a shared aim among many countries. It’s an issue that is now a central concern of most members of CARICOM (The Caribbean Community), the oldest independent economic and political alliance of Caribbean countries founded in 1973.
To prevent further escalations over the Essequibo Region, Ralph Gonsalves, the Prime Minister of St Vincent and the Grenadines, has facilitated talks between Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and the Guyanese President Irfaan Ali in Kingstown to provide resolutions on December 14th. After hours of deliberations, Maduro and Ali agreed to refrain from using “force” to settle the situation, yet ultimately, the dispute was unresolved.
Although progress toward a peace agreement was stunted once more, Guyanese President Ali emerged in a more positive light than Maduro. The decision to pursue a non-aggressive course of negotiations is perhaps a combined effort, by a notable cohort, to help preserve Guyana’s autonomy. The talks exemplify the importance of fast-acting inter-regional collaboration to prevent Britain, the US, or the UN from becoming heavily involved.
Indeed, the discourse surrounding true independence in the Caribbean has been a hot topic since Barbados removed the British monarch as Head of State and thus became a republic in 2021.
However, supporting Guyana’s right to the Essequibo, and a no-force resolution, is not simple for every Caribbean nation.
Trinidad and Tobago has strong diplomatic relations with Venezuela, despite relying on Guyana for trade. Plus, as the Caribbean’s largest oil producer, Trinidad and Tobago faces isolation from CARICOM should it choose to support Venezuela later.

Meanwhile, Gonsalves has faced national criticism for a picture of him, surfacing online, holding a map of Venezuela with the Essequibo included alongside Foreign Affairs Minister Keisal Peters and José M. Leyva Ventura, Cuban Ambassador to SVG. Seemingly contradicting Gonsalves’ efforts to facilitate peaceful resolutions between the two nations, he has since stated he “was not aware” of the map’s message.
Although a resolution remains unmade, CARICOM members agreed on one thing: the decision to refrain from force implies the islands’ intense reluctance to receive numerous refugees. 7-million people have fled Venezuela since the crisis of the 2000s and 2010s. A war would undeniably add pressure to the healthcare, hyperinflation of staple items, and employment issues experienced by their neighbours inland and on the Caribbean Sea. Often second to Haiti, Guyana is one of the poorest regions in Latin America and the Caribbean. A 2019 World Bank study recorded that 48.9% of the population lived in poverty, and 39% of Guyanese citizens live abroad. Gold, sugar, timber, and other natural items representing over half of Guyana’s exports continually displace native Amerindian Guyanese communities.
While my family have often discussed the political conditions and affairs of St Vincent and the Grenadines, the first time I heard an extensive update from a national organisation was right before 2024’s beginning, which included news of the British naval warship HMS Trent’s arrival off the coast of Guyana, prompting accusations of provocation by Britain. The role of St Vincent with its neighbours like Guyana and CARICOM are almost always touched on in these conversations.
For the next six months, Guyanese President Ali will also be the CARICOM Chairman, replacing the Prime Minister of Dominica, Roosevelt Skerrit. Undeniably, Ali will use this opportunity to secure Guyana’s future with CARICOM support.
Swapping mass exportations with little hyperinflated return, I wonder whether Ali will recentre the focus of all CARICOM countries in the region to prioritise keeping natural resources – and any subsequent fruits of their labour– within the Caribbean.
With HMS Trent being diverted to ‘secure’ Guyanese borders, the next few weeks could be a game of mental chess for Maduro and Ali – with their island neighbours anxiously spectating. It remains to be seen whether the region will mend the red carpet to welcome neo-colonial access to an already vulnerable nation.
Image from Flickr
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